By Woldeyesus Ammar

source http://www.harnnet.org/index.php/articles-corner/english-articles/item/1850-comparing-the-geneva-demo-of-june-2015-with-the-asmara-demo-of-march-1965)

An Overview

Due to Italian colonial policy on education,[i] there was a discernible absence of students and student activism during the 1940s when the fate of Eritrea was being discussed at international forums. That lack of sufficient educated elders and students let the political stage be dominated by traditional leaders and their type of sectarian politics. However, the situation changed during the phase of the liberation struggle.

The British care-taker administration (1941-1952) promoted education.[ii] This policy was continued by the Eritrean Government formed under the federal arrangement voted by the United Nations. Within a decade, Eritrea had a sizable intelligentsia with intermediate education as the number of students beyond the elementary level grew considerably.[iii] A few more were studying outside Eritrea. During the 1960s, there were more than 300 Eritrean students pursuing higher studies in Cairo.[iv] Another 800 or so Eritreans were enrolled in institutions of higher learning in Ethiopia.[v] School children who were subjected to parading and singing propaganda for a pro-Ethiopian party during 1946-56, had by late 1950s become reluctant to respond to non-Eritrean sentiments.[vi] Developments in Eritrea and the surrounding region inspired many students to take up politics as their extra-curricular activity. Thus, Eritrean students were destined to make a remarkable contribution in the growth of the nationalist movement. As Tahir Fadab, an active leadership cadre of the Eritrean Liberation Movement, affirmed in his recent book on the history of the ELM (or "Mahber Showate") covering the period 1958-1966,

We are obliged to record for history that Eritrean students, both those inside and outside the country, merit a lion's share of the credit for having kept momentum of the nationalist movement until the final liberation.[vii]

It is argued that the movement for Eritrean independence was in a relative decline after the installation of the Federation, but that it was revived in the late 1950s mainly as an idea promoted by students - "fikra tulabia".[viii] An Eritrean student of history confirmed that "be it in Asmara, in Addis or in Cairo, those who propagated to keep the spirit [of Eritrean independence] alive were mainly young students".[ix]

The fact that the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was established with an overwhelming participation of students in Cairo[x] further attests their overall contribution in the rebirth of the nationalist movement.

Asmara students followed in the footsteps of those in Cairo and from the start played an important role in instilling nationalist feeling among the population. Between 1961 and 1965, in particular, they organized demonstrations almost yearly in the Eritrean capital and helped create awareness about the struggle for independence in part of the country where Eritreanism was initially weak.

The same generation of Asmara students continued to contribute immensely in the growth and eventual victory of the liberation movement. Some of those students are easily identifiable and still active either with the government in Asmara or with the main opposition group so far kept in exile. The then Prince Makonnen Secondary School (PMSS) produced the most militant group of students in the 1960s, among whom was Issayas Afeworqi, the founder-leader of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and incumbent President of the State of Eritrea. The other centre of student politics was the Haile Selassie I Secondary School (HSISS) where Ahmed Mohammed Nasser, Chairman of the mainstream ELF between 1975-95, was among the agitators.

This article is intended to initiate discussion on the role of Asmara students in rousing nationalist sentiments during 1958-1968.[xi] It will review the general political environment that influenced students to act as they did during that period; outline the major activities undertaken by Asmara students in the 1960s, and summarize under a few points the significance of those early student activities in the growth of nationalist awareness, especially among the population in the Eritrean highlands.

                                                                     PART I

                                                     INFLUENCING FACTORS

There wouldn't have been a student movement or an Eritrean liberation movement, for that matter, without the right political environment on local, regional and international levels. Ethiopia's social, economic and political backwardness and its systematic policies to erode Eritrea's special status were among the central causes that helped nurture a nationalist feeling in the territory. The modern forces, among them the students and their teachers, started to feel unhappy of the link with feudal Ethiopia when former colonial territories in Africa - many of them at least as small and as "unviable" as Eritrea - started to emerge as independent states. Other factors that influenced the political thinking of Asmara students included the emergence of Arab and other national liberation movements in the Third World; activities of Cairo students; memories of the March 1958 general workers' strike and activities of the ELM. How those developments influenced Asmara students merit further explanation.

1)         Ethiopia's Contributions

Ethiopia's encroachments on the UN-installed federal arrangement for Eritrea were excessively blatant from the very beginning. Trade unions and political parties were banned, journalists were incarcerated arbitrarily and the local press muzzled. Elections to the Eritrean Assembly were rigged, and Ethiopian laws introduced in violation of the Federal Act. The Eritrean flag, a strong emotional symbol of Eritrea's national aspirations, was discarded and Amharic was introduced as the language of instruction replacing Tigrigna and Arabic.     

As Eritrea became more closely tied to Addis Ababa after 1952, it became clear to many who had hitherto favoured some sort of union with Haile Selassie's government that the fears of those who opposed union were well founded.[xii]

The political suppression, which bred general frustration, was compounded by economic distress. The Unionist[xiii] propaganda of the 1940s had presented Ethiopia as the Promised Land of milk and honey. But when the Federation was put into effect, there was little that Ethiopia could contribute to the well-being of the Eritrean people. To the contrary, concerted action was taken to kill the new political arrangement both politically and economically. Many economic establishments were shut down and told to reopen in Addis Ababa. Number of industrial workers went down from 32,400 in 1947 to 10,350 in 1962.[xiv] Jobless Eritreans thus had to migrate to Ethiopia and to neighbouring countries.

As years went by, Eritreans observed all social and economic indicators revealing that Ethiopia was lagging far behind the young states in Africa. In 1960, for instance, about 62% of school age children in neighbouring Kenya went to school while the figure for Ethiopia was only 7%.[xv] Furthermore, Ethiopia's undemocratic governance and its archaic feudal practices disheartened the Eritreans, especially the youth.

A large segment of the population, including former supporters of union with Ethiopia, started talking vehemently against the political and economic measures of the Ethiopian government in Eritrea. Students were imbued with the bitter grumble of elders - and no wonder that they were to become the best agents to articulate a deepening frustration in the society.

In December 1960, a coup attempt in Addis Ababa further reminded Eritreans that the Ethiopian Emperor, who was seen as a stumbling block to Eritrean national aspirations, may soon go away and that they would better prepare for that eventuality without procrastination.

2)         Decolonization and Asmara Students

Decolonization of Africa was another important development that helped steam up a nationalist awakening in Eritrea. Between 1956 and 1966, 33 former colonies in Africa attained independent statehood; of this, 16 became independent during 1960. (Eritreans hastened to declare an armed struggle a year later.)

When Eritrea's case was being debated in the United Nations, economic viability of the colonial territory, the 'right' of access to the sea of landlocked Ethiopia, historical and cultural affinity of neighbouring peoples, and the size of its population were among the issues and arguments considered at reaching a decision on the fate of Eritrea. Eritrean students in 1960 observed that those arguments were not raised against the other former colonial states and resented the fact that their country's case had been brought to the UN General Assembly at a wrong time. An American writer expressed it well when he wrote,

... the political developments in Eritrea during the 1940s foreshadowed the rise of African nationalism across the continent a decade later, but unfortunately for the Eritreans, they were perhaps too early. The international stage was not yet set for decolonization and [that] first skirmish with European colonialism was met with a solid united front of opposition from the colonial powers.[xvi]

3)         Arab Nationalism/Third World Movements

Among the first to be influenced were those Eritrean students who were directly exposed to the Arabic language broadcasts and writings of the Arab nationalist movement awakened by the charismatic Jamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt. Tuning to Cairo became a long-lasting habit to many Eritrean nationalists with some knowledge of Arabic. More Eritrean ears listened to broadcasts from Cairo following Cairo's Tigrigna language programmes for a short period in 1956. The Tigrigna broadcasts had additional significance because the presenter was none other than Woldeab Woldemariam, a leading nationalist who had a great political appeal to many Eritreans.

The Algerian struggle for independence and, in general, the Third World liberation movement, which was building up encouraged by the collapse of colonialism and the vocal support of the Socialist camp, inspired Eritrean youth to join the new wave.

4)         Influence of Cairo Students

Eritrean youth looking for better schooling or jobs were, as of mid-1940s, trekking to Cairo through all possible routes. Most of them travelled without legitimate documents. In 1952, a student association was formed in Cairo.[xvii] By the late 1950s, Cairo became a centre of Eritrean student movement with far-reaching influences. Many of those students were returning to Eritrea on family visits, and some went on missions with political agenda. One such prominent visitor was Saied Hussein, known to some as the 'dynamo' of the student movement in Cairo.[xviii] In one of his visits to Asmara, he tried to carry out a military operation but was arrested.[xix]

Cairo students, whose club became an information desk on developments in Eritrea, organized many anti-Ethiopian demonstrations during the 1950s and early 1960s which influenced the students in Asmara.

5)         The March 1958 General Strike

The workers' strike of March 1958 was the single most defiant reaction in the 1950s to Ethiopian abuses in Eritrea. School children in Massawa, Asmara, Keren and other urban centres watched the massive demonstrations staged by angry adults who forced shops and businesses closed. Some of the demonstrations were quite bloody. Nine persons were reported killed and over 500 wounded.[xx] Students saw blood-letting for the first time. The contributor of this article was a fifth grader in Keren and watched injured persons being rushed towards the hospital.

Before the year 1958 ended, the ELM was founded in Port Sudan by young Eritreans[xxi] who as students in the 1950s "were caught in the rising tide of Sudanese nationalism and the excitement of independence in 1956".[xxii] By 1960, ELM claimed to have established many cells in Asmara. The movement initially concentrated on recruiting Moslem elements because of old fears of Unionist (i.e. Ethiopian) tendencies in the highlands. But its organizers were "caught by surprise" when students and workers in Asmara responded to ELM's call with great enthusiasm.[xxiii]

                                                                     PART II

                                POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF ASMARA STUDENTS

The period under consideration can be divided into two distinct phases of the student movement in Asmara. The formative stage, extending between 1958 to mid-1965, could be termed as the period of spontaneous action.[xxiv] It was followed by a period of organized activities lasting between late 1965 to mid-1967. By 1968, the student movement inside the country was in a state of utter collapse paradoxically at a time when global student militancy was at its peak. (Eritrean students in the Middle East and Europe fared better than their compatriot students in Asmara and Addis Ababa.[xxv])

a)         Spontaneous Action

As noted, the general discontent of the population was gradually impacting on young school children in the country. Despite lack of organization, students in Asmara were engaged in political activities starting in the late 1950s. Some were acting on their own - some writing graffiti wherever they could lay their hands, others mailing letters to government officials accusing them of sell-out to Ethiopia.[xxvi] Individual efforts developed to group, but still spontaneous, action. Among well remembered incidents of the second half of the 1950s include a student strike at Benevolente school, popularly known as Islamia,[xxvii] and an 'uprising' at the HSISS in which students destroyed their dormitory and damaged school furniture opposing, among other administrative complaints, a suggested introduction of Amharic as the language of instruction in Eritrea.[xxviii]

Those events were given political significance by succeeding generation of students.[xxix] It is also claimed that workers' demonstrations of March 1958 had as many student participants as workers.[xxx]

In September 1961, the two major high schools in Asmara received a larger number of 9th graders than at any time before. PMSS alone doubled its total population to about 350 by accommodating six new classes in grade nine from among whom cropped up a nucleus of a militant group. This new numerical strength of high school students helped increase the frequency of spontaneous activities.

The declaration of the armed struggle was not immediately known to many people in Asmara. Most parents and relatives learned about it when their children were detained or beaten by the police while demonstrating or writing wall slogans in support of the armed struggle for independence. As of early 1962, PMSS became the origin of anti-Ethiopian graffiti and leaflets distributed in the city.[xxxi] At one point, the Eritrean Police Commissioner, Tedla Ogbit,[xxxii] had to come to PMSS to harangue the students on this problem. Written in bold characters on the gate of PMSS was the slogan: "Long Live Hamid Awate!".[xxxiii] In his address the Police Commissioner furiously mentioned what he read at the gate and warned that stern measures would be taken against those engaged in 'subversive' activities.

During the early 1960s, Asmara students staged demonstrations whose political significance and mobilizational effect in reviving Eritrean nationalist feeling was quite high. Ethiopian authorities who foresaw the possible long-term consequences were deeply frightened. PMSS was again the organizer of this form of agitation.[xxxiv]    

The most significant demonstrations of that early period were the ones staged in May 1962 and in March 1965. A brief description of those two events can help shed light not only on the spontaneity of the activities and the relatively advanced degree of political consciousness of the high school students in that early period but also the direct and indirect effect of those demonstrations on the general population.

i) The May 1962 Demonstration

The May 1962 demonstration, which marked the debut of student activism following the declaration of the armed struggle, was incited by a handful students at PMSS[xxxv]. The Eritrean Assembly was scheduled to meet for a controversial debate on the budget. During previous debates in the Assembly, outspoken legislators questioned the Ethiopian Emperor's "generous grant" of 1 million Ethiopian birr to help the Eritrean Government correct a budget deficit in its 1960/61 total expenditures of 18 million birr[xxxvi]. It was felt that a group of students demonstrating in front of the Eritrean Assembly would sway the 68 Eritrean legislators. The students hoped, genuinely but quite naively, that their action would bring about an overnight change on the status of Eritrea!

To that end, a circular was passed to all classes in PMSS informing that a demonstration would be held on 22 May 1962, the day the Assembly was scheduled to meet, and that every student was expected to participate. A spontaneous student assembly inside PMSS was informed that every student would have to write "something about Eritrea" in several copies for distribution during the demonstration. This writer was the sole speaker at that short meeting. That was all. There was no group discussion to organize it nor any participation from outside PMSS. After spending most of the morning hours in utter confusion, the PMSS students went in large groups to incite HSISS students, where the majority were still reluctant to join the demonstration. Finally, a mob action prevailed and students of the two schools started to march (rather, run!) through the main road towards the Eritrean Assembly building in the centre of the city. By then, policemen and security agents were posted in every corner. Thus, no peaceful demonstration could be pursued, nor could the students gather near the Assembly (parliament) building. However, they managed to run past it singing:

Natsinet Delina!

Haghizuna![xxxvii]

This simple phrase reverberated in the heart of Asmara and undoubtedly roused high emotions. Many by-standers joined the singing and running students.[xxxviii] Horse-mounted policemen chased many of the 'demonstrators' across the Grand Mosque and St. Mary's Church towards Biet Ghiorgis on the way to Massawa. Many students were beaten and detained at several police centres including at Caserma Mussolini.[xxxix] Disturbances continued for a week by students demanding the release of detained students. A defiant student assembly was organized at Mai Anbessa, north of Asmara, and added resolve to the continuation of the demonstrations. Primary and middle school students in Asmara and the other Eritrean towns also boycotted classes in solidarity with those arrested during the demonstrations.

Many parents, whose political stance was undecided, found the action of their children and the general direction of political developments quite disconcerting. They were unhappy of Ethiopia's violations of the Federal Act but continued to think that it was too late to fight for Eritrean autonomy let alone total independence. It seemed difficult to challenge the King of Kings of Ethiopia and to ignore the influence of the Orthodox Church. Majority of the elders wondered whether a small country like Eritrea would exist without a "king". The young students did not share the worries and fears of their parents.

Ethiopian authorities dreaded the prospect of a nationalist awakening among Christian Eritreans. Now they saw it coming true. Their security apparatus thus resorted to all sorts of physical and psychological torture and intimidation to suppress any opposition.[xl] Students and school teachers were among many who were jailed or ordered to report to security offices for finger printing and photographing. As one member of the American Consulate in Asmara reported,

A number of those who participated in demonstrations were severely treated by the police and stories of police brutality were being more widespread. [xli]

The suppressive measures served the Eritrean cause by breeding more anti-Ethiopian sentiments. The May 1962 student demonstrations and the 7 July 1962 attack on government officials in Agordat were important political events of the year. Those two incidents might even have contributed in hastening Ethiopia's decision to dissolve the Federation on 14 November 1992.

ii)         The March 1965 Demonstration

The other most important demonstration of the 1960s in Asmara took place between 8-12 March 1965. Again there was no student union organizing action nor did the ELF or ELM take any part in its preparation.[xlii] It was a semi-organized action started when a few politically conscious elements at PMSS felt that it was time for Asmara demonstrations to be reported on the BBC like the February 1965 "Land to the Tiller" demonstration of the Ethiopian university students in Addis Ababa. This time it was decided to broaden participation by inviting other schools. A meeting was called in which representatives from HSISS and the Point Four Technical School attended.[xliii] The representatives agreed on points that had to be propagated through placards and pamphlets. The main student demands were the following:

1) That the UN should forcefully condemn the Ethiopian annexation of Eritrea and the General Assembly be 'seized of the matter' as it promised on October 17,1952; 2) that the UN should hold a referendum on the future status of Eritrea; 3) closure of the American base of Kagnew Station in Asmara; 4) expulsion of Israeli military personnel; 5) release of all political prisoners, and 6) [that Ethiopia should] stop closing schools and industrial establishments in Eritrea.[xliv]